5,000 Years of History Reveal Why Our Civilization Is Destined for Self-Destruction

Kemp’s first radical proposition is abandoning the word “civilization” entirely. He argues this term is “really propaganda by rulers” that obscures the true nature of hierarchical societies. Instead, he uses the term “Goliaths”—a reference to the biblical giant felled by David’s slingshot—to describe what he sees as societies built fundamentally on domination.

This reframing isn’t merely semantic. When examining early kingdoms and empires in the Near East, China, Mesoamerica, and the Andes, Kemp observes, “you don’t see civilised conduct, you see war, patriarchy and human sacrifice.” Rather than representing human advancement, these societies represent what he calls “evolutionary backsliding” from the egalitarian hunter-gatherer communities that had sustained themselves for hundreds of thousands of years.

This perspective forces us to reconsider fundamental assumptions about human nature and progress. If our current trajectory represents regression rather than advancement, it suggests that the path forward might involve returning to principles that served our species for millennia rather than doubling down on systems that have consistently led to collapse.

Kemp’s research reveals that Goliath states don’t emerge randomly but require three specific conditions he calls “Goliath fuel.” Understanding these prerequisites for domination provides crucial insights into how hierarchical power structures develop and maintain themselves.

The first fuel is surplus grain. Unlike perishable foods, grain can be “seen, stolen and stored,” making it an ideal foundation for accumulating wealth and power. Kemp points to Cahokia, a North American society that peaked around the 11th century, where the introduction of maize and bean farming directly led to the emergence of a priest-dominated elite practicing human sacrifice.

The second fuel is weaponry monopolized by one group. Bronze swords and axes provided decisive advantages over stone and wooden tools, and the first Mesopotamian Goliaths emerged alongside these technological developments. Control over superior military technology has remained a cornerstone of domination throughout history.

Early Egyptians found themselves trapped between the Red Sea and the Nile, unable to escape the pharaohs’ expanding control. This geographic constraint is crucial because it removes the ultimate check on power: the ability to leave. When people can’t exit, they become vulnerable to exploitation and control.

These three fuels explain why domination systems emerged in specific locations and times throughout history, and they remain relevant today as we consider how power concentrates in our interconnected world.

Perhaps Kemp’s most disturbing finding is that Goliath systems aren’t driven by universal human greed but by a small percentage of individuals high in “dark triad” traits: narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism. This challenges the common assumption that inequality emerges because “all people are greedy.”

The evidence suggests otherwise. The Khoisan peoples of southern Africa, for example, “shared and preserved common lands for thousands of years despite the temptation to grab more.” Most humans, Kemp argues, are naturally egalitarian and cooperative. The problem lies with the small minority who seek domination at any cost.

Kemp sees this pattern reflected in contemporary leadership, noting that “The three most powerful men in the world are a walking version of the dark triad: Trump is a textbook narcissist, Putin is a cold psychopath, and Xi Jinping came to rule [China] by being a master Machiavellian manipulator.”

This analysis extends beyond individual leaders to institutional structures. Modern corporations, driven by profit maximization regardless of social or environmental costs, exhibit many characteristics of psychopathic behavior: lack of empathy, disregard for consequences, and manipulation of others for personal gain.

The implications are profound: if societal collapse is driven primarily by individuals with dark triad traits rather than human nature itself, then solutions must focus on preventing such individuals from accumulating power rather than trying to change fundamental human behavior.

While past civilizational collapses were often regional and sometimes beneficial for ordinary people, Kemp warns that today’s potential collapse would be fundamentally different and far more catastrophic. Three factors make our current situation uniquely dangerous.

First, the scale of modern weapons. Previous collapses involved violence with “swords or muskets,” but today’s arsenals include approximately 10,000 nuclear weapons capable of ending human civilization. As elites try to reassert dominance during collapse, the destructive potential is incomparably greater.

Second, our dependence on complex systems. Unlike people in the past who “could easily go back to farming or hunting and gathering,” modern populations are highly specialized and dependent on global infrastructure. “If that falls away, we too will fall,” Kemp observes.

Third, the magnitude of current threats. Past climatic changes that triggered collapses typically involved 1°C temperature changes at regional levels. Today we face 3°C of global warming, along with artificial intelligence, engineered pandemics, and other unprecedented risks.

After the fall of Rome, Kemp notes, “people actually got taller and healthier” because they escaped oppressive taxation and returned to sustainable farming. But today’s interconnected world offers no such refuge—there’s nowhere to retreat when the global system fails.

Despite his pessimistic assessment, Kemp offers concrete solutions that could prevent collapse through fundamental transformation of how societies function. His recommendations are radical but historically grounded.

Genuine Democratic Participation: Rather than representative democracy that can be captured by elites, Kemp advocates for “running societies through citizen assemblies and juries, aided by digital technologies to enable direct democracy at large scales.” Historical evidence shows that more democratic societies tend to be more resilient.

Wealth Redistribution: Kemp proposes capping individual wealth at $10 million, arguing that extreme inequality inevitably leads to elite capture of democratic systems. “A famous oil tycoon once said money is just a way for the rich to keep score. Why should we allow these people to keep score at the risk of destroying the entire planet?”

Individual Responsibility: Kemp also emphasizes personal action: “Don’t be a dick. Don’t work for big tech, arms manufacturers or the fossil fuel industry. Don’t accept relationships based on domination and share power whenever you can.”

These solutions may seem utopian, but Kemp argues we’ve been “brainwashed by rulers justifying their dominance” for so long that we can’t imagine alternatives. “We’re a naturally social, altruistic, democratic species and we all have an anti-dominance intuition. This is what we’re built for.”